Volume 1, Issue 4

Volume 1, Issue 4, Page 1

(English Only) (Newspaper Headline and Adverts not included)

Published: 7/1/1910



The unique spectacle of fifteen [thousand cloak workers gathered tinder one roof, and twenty-five thousand more outside clamoring for admission, for the purpose of hearing encouraging messages from veil-known labor men in their efforts to improve their working conditions, provided the press and the Community at large with much food (for thought. What does a monster demonstration such as this signify? It signifies an unmistakable determination on the part of the workers to allocate no more an evil system of overwork and under-pay which for many years has been gnawing at their vitals and destroying their self-respect and their capacity of contemplating their degraded condition. Even the most abject slaves many times be roused from their stupor, from that hopeless state of mind into which a human being is kept to fall under certain evil surroundings. We believe that the cloak maker has at last been roused from his numbness and stupor and facilized the power he may attain by a strong and permanent Organization. It has been suggested in certain quarters that this is a sudden movement for a general strike and before its issue is rather doubtful. It is believed, rightly or wrongly, that sudden movements among the workers in the cloak industry especially, have no staying power; that their force is existed before they reach the goal. However, much the past may justify such a cold, nay cruel rejection, in the present case it all seems tilery on the assumption of “suddenness.” These cold observers seem to be utterly unfamiliar with the history of this movement. For it certainly has a history. A sudden movement it may be to them, because, for some reason, they chose not to countenance it when it first originated and failed to recognize its gradual development among the rank and file. To us it is no more “sudden” than sunrise heralded by a flaming red horizon, or a great storm presaged by gathering black clouds. We of the inner circle, who have been arguing the pros and cons of the question for weeks, nay, for months; who have first opposed it and then found ourselves unable to resist its gathering force, who have heard it discussed in all its bearings „ in the shops, at local meetings and executive councils, at the homes of the workers and at street corners; and who have even prevented the locals concerned from coming to a rash decision before threshing it out in all its details of the floor of our recent convention at Boston—we say that if ever the ground was well prepared for a mighty movement, it was so in this case. Why, as far back as January last we have circularized our local unions upon the question of a two dollar tax to provide the nucleus of strong strike fund. We have thus consulted the feelings of our members and found them all solid for a general strike. Past failures have taught us to proceed with circumspection, and every step we have since taken has been twice considered. Even this monster demonstration at Madison Square Garden is evidence of our desire to apply a much” wider test to the feeling of the masses in favor of a strike. And with what result? Why, this: That an overwhelming opinion has been found to range itself on the side of firm and resolute action. For what did forty thousand people come to this vast hall, on a hot. sultry day, hours before the meeting commenced? What caused them to fill every nook and corner, including the gangways, standing packed close together like herrings in a barrel? They came to utter a vigorous protest against the inhuman conditions under which they labor; against the homework which deprives them of the much needed leisure to be good husbands and loving parents; against the evil system of sub-contracting which fosters fraternal strife, hatred and all uncharitableness. “In these United States of ours,” said Samuel Gompers, the grand old man of American labor, mt this country, so rich, so bountiful, it is an indictment to work under such conditions, to eke out such a miserable existence as you cloak makers are doing.” The vast sea of human heads, concentrating their minds and hearts upon the platform, and eager for words of advice and encouragement, must have inspired Gompers and Frank Morrison, secretary of the American Federation of Labor, no less than the luminaries of the East Side who were present. Here were Ab. Cahan, the veteran advocate of socialism among the Jewish workers; Meyer London, the aspirant for a seat in Congress; Jacob Panken, the well known orator; Carotti, the Italian, who was much applauded by the Italian-speaking section of the audience; Dr. Ingerman, who spoke in Russian; S. Yanofsky, an East Side editor and lecturer; Ab. Rosenberg, the president; J. A. Dyche, the general secretary treasurer; S, Polakoff, Jesse Greenberger, and many others of the International Union, who are directing the fortunes of this wonderful movement for the uplifting of the sweated and underpaid cloak maker. Rising to the occasion President Gompers exclaimed: “I earnestly hope that the employers will concede your demands without a strike. But it must be understood that this is no longer a mere protest or a plain strike. When a movement has grown to the strength of your organization it means no longer a strike, but on industry riot-revolution.” Jacob Panken struck a note which was as true as it was original, when uttering words to this effect. “I no longer cherish the pessimistic views shared in by some observers regarding the cloak makers. True, their past conduct has been a blot on the history of the labor movement of the East Side. But the cloak maker of the past has mostly disappeared. This tremendous concourse shows that the present generation of cloak makers are mostly young men and young women, who have been through the throes of the Russian revolution, and who realize the meaning of freedom. It is evident from their keen and determined faces that not only do they mean to make a brave fight for proper conditions of labor, but also that the issue of the struggle will be a great and lasting success.



There is about be dedicated in Cleveland, Ohio, what is said to be the greatest monument to organized labor in the world—the new million-dollar building of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. At it’s dedication there will be at least five thousand persons from all parts of the United States, Canada and Mexico, besides a large gathering of Cleveland folk. No labor organization has ever attempted so elaborate a headquarters before. The building is twelve stories high. It is of white terra cotta and is fireproof. Its ground space is 124 by 178 feet. In the building there are four hundred offices, and the floor space, aside from the auditorium, aggregates 161,000 square feet. One of the features of the new building is an auditorium, which will seat 1,400 people, and which will be one of the littlest in the city. The seats will be large and leather-covered and like those of a modern theater. An urge organ will be installed. The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, which has a membership of more than sixty-five thousand at the present time, was organized just forty seven years ago this month.


Washington—The American Federation of Labor will make a strong campaign this fall for the election of Congressmen who carry union cards. Efforts will be made to elect a group of forty unionists to the House of Representatives, as it is believed here that it will require that number in order to have a good working minority. And so, has this gigantic movement emerged from its first stage of agitation and debate on to a broad field of immediate and determined action. It has not only converted its internal opponents, but also its external enemies. We hail with deep gratitude, not only the expression of sympathy and support of President Gompers and Frank Morrison, speaking in the name of the American Federation of Labor, but also the sympathy and promised support of such Influential leaders of the East Side a s Ab. Cahan, the editor of “Converts,” and S. Yanofsky, editor of the “Ferric Arbeit or Slim me.” We, on our part, undertake with the human powers at our disposal, to guide this movement with vigor, tact and discretion and to leave no stone unturned until we have secured improved conditions for the cloak makers and a great victory for unionism. Our watchword is: Forty-eight hours of labor per I week, a living wage and a powerful and effective organization. A. R.


Plans have been accepted and the ground broken for a tabor temple in Chicago to cost $100,000, and to be ready for occupancy by fall. The building will be five stories high, with basement, and will be built of pressed brick and terra cotta. The first floor will lie rented out for store rooms, while the other floor will be lodge rooms, banquet halls and offices for business agents. Carpenters’ Local No. 6a took the initiative in the matter and will build the temple.


Mayor McCarthy Declares Building Trades (Jet All Work and Highest Scale of Wages. “Since the quake San Francisco has expended to $275.000,000 in rebuilding, every stick and every stone of which has been put in place under union conditions.” This remarkable statement was made by P. H. McCarthy, Frisco’s labor mayor, now in Washington with the Pacific Coast delegation asking Congress to authorize the holding of the Panama Exposition at the Golden Gate. McCarthy’s stories of conditions in the city where union labor holds political power, were listened to with deep interest by the Building Trades Council in Washington. “There is no city in the United States, nor as a matter of fact in the whole world, where the wage workers’ standard of living is as high as in San Francisco. McCarthy’s claims for a wonderful working class prosperity in this western city arc borne out by the table of building trades wages prepared by William T. Spencer, secretary of the Building Trades Department of the American Federation of Labor. Here are some of his comparative wage scales in different cities for 1009, and the present year docs not materially alter the comparison: Bricklayers in Chicago received, per hour, 62 ½  cents; in New York, 70 cents; in San Francisco, 87 ½ cents; plumbers, in the same cities, respectively, got 65, 62 ½  and 75 cents; carpenters, in the same order, got 56 ½, ,52 ½, and 62 ½  cents; laborers and hood carriers got in Chicago, 35 cents; in New York, 35 cents, and in San Francisco, from 37 to 50 cents-per hour.


Organized laborers and organized farmers will work together hereafter in “preserving the rights and liberties of both classes of workers,” under the provisions of a resolution unanimously adopted at the SC Louis convention by the executive committee of the Farmers’ Educational and Co-operative Union. Affiliation of the American Federation of Labor and the Farmers’ Union has been a favorite project of Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, and the adoption of the resolution followed a four-day conference between Mr. Gompers, assisted by several labor leaders, and the farmers’ committee. The Farmers’ Union claims a membership of 3,000,000.


A decision of the utmost importance to labor organizations throughout the country was rendered by the Court of Special Sessions in Brooklyn, N. Y„ a few days ago, when a full bench sustained the right of the Butchers’ Union to circulate literature concerning unfair shops. Seven members of the Brooklyn Union of butchers were hauled into court on conspiracy charges for asking the public to withhold patronage from a local packer and two storekeepers, who operated establishments dealing in provisions produced by an unfair firm. The pork packer had supplied the stores with provisions, and he consequently joined in the prosecution of the butcher workmen. The notices sent out by the union .mil distributed in the hallways and doorways throughout the district simply, stated that a strike for fair wages was on in the packing plant, and that the two storekeepers were handling the products of the establishment. The consumers were requested to not patronize the stores until the strike had been adjusted. In announcing the findings of the court Judges O’Kcc, Mclnerney and Wilkin held that the defendants had a legal right to distribute the circulars in a peaceable manner. Inasmuch as they were not charged with the exercise of force, threats or intimidation, the facts set forth were not sufficient to constitute a crime. The court held that the circulars in themselves were proper and sanctioned by law, and ordered the prisoners discharged from custody. The decision gives to members of trade unions the right, by peaceful measures, to notify the public of controversies existing between them and their employers, and to request the public not to deal with their employers or with persons who sell the products of their employers.


G. W. Perkins, of Chicago, president of the Cigarmakers’ International Union, and Eugene Clifford, of the same city, general counsel for the national body, were in York last month, where they were met by General Organizer I. B. Kuhn and officers of Union 316 of McCherrystown and 242 York and were in conference with J. S. Black, in relation to litigation and prosecutions which are to be brought against users of counterfeit and imitation union labels in York and Adams counties. W. C. Sheely, Eng, of Gettysburg, with Mr. Black, will represent the union in the Adams County cases. The Iron Molders’ Union is beginning a comprehensive insurance plan that is likely to enlist the entire trade. The start is being made in Ohio, where 500 members will incorporate under the laws, and then one state after another will be attached to the organization. The molders claim they win pay benefits of $500 to $1,000 at less cost than any insurance company in the world.


In prefacing this little article, I desire to say that I charge no organization, officer or individual member with any of the offence that I may hereinafter mention This is merely a statement of observation. In the first instant* I desire to say that it is surprising that the large amount of people employed in the ladies’ garment working industry and the slowness of these people to conceive the idea that organizations are maintained for their particular benefit and especially so when we know that the average man and woman working in our trades is possessed and possibly more intelligence than those employed in the various other trades. I believe that their slowness in affiliation with our unions is mainly caused by what we term their so-called intelligence. We find. On the other hand, that there is a possibly some ill-feeling against some of the members, officers of the organization in general. I do not say that this is so, but I do say that these fancied ideas are in the heads of some of the people who when asked to join their organization are always looking for some excuse to offer and vert readily find fault. I know from experience that in asking men and women in our trade to join their respective organizations they feed that their so-called independence would benefit their condition with more satisfaction than the conditions offered by the union to the workers in their particular trade. These very work people, men women alike, when asked to an organization of their craft all say they know that unions art of material benefit to the worker! They know that unions are in existence to uplift humanity, they know and have been convinced that late unions have increased wage and decreased the hours of labor of to working people and in a general business-like manner have conducted their business for the bend of both employer and employee. They go further on to say they offer no reason for not joining the organization of their craft and in some instances, they use the subterfuge that they may lose tb positions as their employers want union help. Now we can readily realize that the employer does not want union help. We also realize that such answers are made by the individual from selfish motives, who feels that for the time being they are satisfied with conditions, not realizing the fact that through thorough organization their conditions would be improved. Then again we realize that these very persons are too weak-kneed to do as they believe. I am convinced that these persons working in the garment working trade know that the organization is of material benefit, to them, but lacking the courage to join the organization of their craft with their fellow workers they remain free-lances and by so doing they help the employers who are at all times trying to get as much work for as little as possible to accomplish their aims. Finally these workers wake up and find a condition confronting them that they never thought existed then they feel that the time has come when they must do something to improve their condition then they decide to join the union. Now then we find that some of the members of our organizations are always finding fault with either the officers, members or the organization in general for actions that do not meet with their approval and then we find in the majority of cases where the members are so dissatisfied that they are of the same class as those that from selfish motives do not join the organizations of their craft, moreover we find that these members so dissatisfied are also distrustful and from experience we find that their actions are very injurious to others as well as themselves. Members who are so distrustful, if they would only stop and think what injury may come to themselves and their fellow workers by their actions they would change their actions. To the members I want to say that they must help their union at all times in their efforts to increase wages and get fair working conditions so they may be in a position to make proper provisions for the benefit of themselves and their families. We must not allow conditions that may be injurious to the members of our organizations to exist and if such conditions do exist we must at the proper time and place, and in the proper manner try and have such laws enacted that would be in the ‘merest of the organizations. If there are laws that do not meet with the  approval of the members of the organizations they should not sever their connection with the organization or denounce the officers or the organization on the outside, but they should try in a manner as prescribed by the constitution of our organizations and enact such laws that they may deem advisable for the interest of the organizations because the injury done by the actions will only reflect on themselves. It is an undisputed fact that labor unions are in existence for the purpose of uplifting humanity and by so doing means increase of wages and fairer conditions to the workers. I desire to, at this time to say that the members of our organizations lend their assistance in building up our respective organizations so that our rank would be impregnable. Further want to say that some of our members of our respective organizations ought to get a little more active in getting new members to join their unions because we feel that some men and women believe that they may lose their opportunities of such affiliation. To those people I want to say that by joining labor organizations they have actually nothing to lose and everything to gain. I further desire to say the opportunity for action on the part of the ladies’ garment workers to improve their conditions increase wages and decrease hours have never been better than at the present time. In conclusion I want to say that it ought to be the proudest moment of a working man’s or a working woman’s life the time that they join a labor union. So don’t wait for the other fellow to join but join yourself and the other fellow will follow. ALEX. BLOCH.

The Living Skeleton and The Stout Reformer.


The Living Skeleton paced up and down her loom alley, in an oldfashioned cotton mill. Steam, curling up from grids in the floor, folded around her like a winding sheet. The noise of machinery descended upon her in a perpetual storm. Her fellow-weavers in other loom alleys were talking together in “lip signs,”—the deaf and dumb language of the mill. “The relief and aids got money to put up consumption shacks on the county farm,” said a rosyfaced girl. “There’s plenty to fill ‘em,” said the Living Skeleton. “The new mill president gave the cash,” continued the rosy-faced girl, who had missed the comment. “They say he will do a lot for the poor working people. Pray for their souls when they are dead! Most likely!” said the Living Skeleton. “What’s eating you?” “Consumption,” said the Skeleton. “Ugh! You sure need a vacation.” “I’ll soon take it,” said the Skeleton. That evening a stout reformer sat in an easy chair in the committee room of the Young Men’s Christian Association building while the secretary of the Relief and Aid Society” submitted building estimates and architect’s plans; and members of the Tuberculosis Committee made comments. “Plenty of fresh air is what I’m after in our new tuberculosis shacks,” the stout reformer was saying cheerily, when the committee room door opened and admitted? the Living Skeleton. He r presence, and the few remarks she made, deprived the committee meeting of alt cheerfulness. ^ The next day in the mill, as the weavers were “mending,” making ‘quick-cuts” and “changing cuts” of cloth, as usual, a “learner” tried to thread a bobbin in the customary way, with her lips and tongue. The Living Skeleton caught her hand. “Where’s your patent threader?” she motioned. “They never gave me none,” said the learner. “Well, don’t you know the bobbins are full of germs and you’re seeking sure death ” Before the sentence was finished there appeared, suddenly, in the passage, a stout reformer, with a wilted collar and a shocked, perspiring face, advancing through the cloud-wraits of steam. “Get onto the swell!” cried the rosy-faced girl. “He’s the new mill president,’ said the Living Skeleton. “It’s his first visit and may save you youngsters from getting like mc. The stout reformer came to the alley of the Living Skeleton and took her shinny hand in his fat one. “By George, I won’t stand for all this,” he shouted above the roar. “You were dead right. We’re manufacturing death faster than cloth. I guess this is about the best place to begin the fresh air cure for tuberculosis.” And the Living Skeleton smiled down tenderly upon the young, rosy faced girls around her.

The union will be called the Teachers’ Educational League. A demand will be made for a salary increase all along the line. If the union wins its campaign no teacher will receive less than $600 a year, with the maximum for grammar grade teachers fixed at $1,200. It is reported that the 7,000 organized school teachers of Colorado are going to follow the example of their Chicago colleagues and join the A. F. of L. The teachers are becoming imbued with the idea that it gets them nothing to wait for-the politicians to assist them and that they must join with other working people and learn to help themselves.

Cigarmakers to Celebrate Cigarmakers’ Union No. 4, Cincinnati, is making extensive arrangements to Celebrate its fiftieth anniversary next August. A committee of fifteen has been appointed to make the necessary arrangements for the event. This is the first union under the banner of the Cigarmakers’ International Union to celebrate its fiftieth anniversary, and the occasion will be made a memorable one.

Toledo (Ohio) policemen wear cap and uniforms bearing the union label So thoroughly does the union sentiment prevail in that town that even the fire department horses wear shoes with the union label.


This agreement entered into this first day of February 1910 by and between Sam Rosansky operator of cloak’s and suits and Hirsch &. Bro. Manufacturers of cloaks and suits at 826 Broadway, Manhattan: WITNESSETH as follows: 1. For and in consideration of the premises; and of the sum of one Dollar ($1.) to Sam Rosansky in hand paid he agrees to perform the work of an operator of cloaks and suits, or similar work on the premises of Hirsch & Bro for the stipulated salary of Eight Dollars ($8 per week from this date to February 1,1911). 2. That the first weeks salary of Eight Dollars ($8.) will be left with Hirsch & Bro. as security that Sam Rosansky will do the work to the entire satisfaction of Hirsch & Bro. and that he will fulfill his obligations as stipulated in this agreement. 3. That before May 1st. said Sam Rosansky agrees to add Thirty-two Dollars ($32.) more to the above Eight Dollars ($8.) so as to make his security amount to Forty Dollars ($40.) 4. This security is to be returned to Sam Rosansky at the expiration of the term of this agreement if Hirsch & Bro. have no claims against Sam Rosansky and if he has acquitted himself of his services to their entire satisfaction. 5, The hours of work of Sam Rosansky ‘shall be from 7.30 A. M. to 6.50 P.M. with a recess of half an hour for lunch, every day in the week including Sundays but excluding Saturdays. 6. In case Sam Rosansky leaves the employ of Hirsch & Bro before the expiration of this agreement the entire amount of his security shall be forfeited for the benefit of Hirsch & Bro. as well as any salary due him shall be forfeited. 7. If Sam Bosansky fulfills all his work duties and obligations in accordance with this contract Hirsch & Bro. are responsible for the balance of wages that may be due to Sam Rosansky. Tn witness whereof the above parties have hereto affixed their signatures this 1st day of February 1910. COMMENT IS NEEDLESS.

The International Molders’ Union.

The International Molders’ Union of North America, which has been celebrating its fiftieth anniversary last year, has a history of exceptional interest. In its early years the molders* condition was a deplorable one. Work began long before sunrise; the hours of labor were irregular and indefinite, wages were low, and but a small portion of these were paid in money; store, checks, truck and due bills taking its place. It was not until 1855 that a permanent local organization was established. As a result of a strike the molders of Philadelphia organized a union in that year. This has since been in continuous existence, being known today as Union No. 1. This union became the nucleus around which the others rallied. In 1858 a number of trioleins’ unions were in existence, each of these endeavoring to improve conditions and correct abuses, and in the fall of that year a call for a convention was issued, and thirty five delegates were present. The financial basis then provided for the working of the organization was peculiar to those times; the income being hardly sufficient to cover incidental expenses. The revenue was fixed at $10.00 annually from each local union and $10.00 for each delegate the union was entitled to at conventions. No definite strike benefits were provided, and for mutual assistance in time of trouble the president was authorized to levy assessments. At the second convention in i8*o, forty-five delegates were present, and the basis of revenue to the national organization was changed to 5 cents per capita annually, and the regulations relative to assessments for strike benefits amended to sonic extent. During those years stubbornly fought strikes occurred in New York State and St. Louis, Mo., and these prompted the delegates to strengthen the laws pertaining to the sanctioning of strikes. The need of a more centralized and powerful international union was then clearly appreciated. The conventions immediately following made more or less important changes in the constitution, giving the officers more authority and greater responsibility and the changes proved to be the turning point in the history of the international Molders’ Union. The president for the time being, William H. Sylvis, took full advantage of his newly-acquired authority to undertake practically without the requisite financial means much needed organizing work and he succeeded in organizing within two years sixty-four unions and reorganizing twenty-four. When the convention was called to order in 1866, in New York City, eighty-nine delegates, representing sixty-five unions were present. Radical changes were made in the constitution and the revenue of the national union was changed from 5 cents to $4.00 per capita’ annually this income placing the organization, for the first time, on a practical financial basis. In 1866 extensive lock-outs and other troubles occurred, and considerably weakened the union. These vicissitudes continued for seven) decades until the convention which met in Chicago in 1895. There, one hundred and seventy-six delegates, representing one hundred and twenty-eight local unions, were present. The constitution was subjected to a radical revision. The dues were increased to twenty-five cents per week, ten cents of this going directly into the International treasury to provide strike benefit, and eight cents being held in trust by the locals as the sick benefit fund. For a time as a result of these changes a loss of membership occurred, but this was followed by a most rapid growth, as the members began to appreciate the great benefits which were resulting from the higher dues. The revised constitution and the conference boards with the National Founders’ Association, established by the officers of the union, proved to be sources of strength, stability and progress. The Chicago convention in 1895 made it compulsory on every member to pay 25 cents a week and provided that if he allowed a period of twelve weeks to elapse without paying dues he would stand suspended. From the revenue of 25 cents a week, 32 per cent, or 8 cents a week, was devoted to the payment of $5.00 sick benefit per week for a period of thirteen weeks in any one year. This had the effect of increasing the membership. In 1899 the membership was 34,000. In 1902 it was 59,500, and in 1907 it grew to 99,930. he sick benefit paid from 1896 to 1909; totaled $660,079.00; out of work benefits, $179,530.00; death benefits, $619,886.00; disability benefits, $45,225.00. These figures speaks louder than words. Says the president, Joseph” F. \Valentine in his congratulations: To-day our organization is Wronger, better equipped, and a “more thoroughly united body than ever before; and it faces the future with the confidence which comes •Torn the knowledge that its principles and policies have been tried and not found wanting. “Our motto has been conciliation and defense, not defiance, and we can choose no better one for the future. It is in the field of conciliation, the adoption of the principles of justice and fair play, the recognition of the mutual rights of employers and employees that we have made most marked progress.



Cheap labor means poverty and degradation for the masses of the people. It means low prices for the products of the farm and factory. The consuming power of the people is measured by their earnings and cheap labor means the lessening of their purchases. The sooner the retail merchant looks at these facts in the right way the better off he will be both in sales of factory and farm products. —Labor Herald.

The closed shop is the only shop where reasonable business terms can be agreed upon by proper representatives of both capital and labor. It has been happily named by Miss Jane Addams “The Contract Shop.” This issue of the “closed” or “contract shop” is the issue which manufacturers refuse to arbitrate. Surely public opinion must continue to support those workers who are standing for the right of the workers to secure fair conditions through a trade agreement in a “contract shop.”—The Call.

Every local is just exactly as strong as its members make it; every member should stop and think of the obligation he took when he became a member. If you are indifferent and stay away from your local meetings, you are weakening one link in the chain that binds you all together. • Be true to yourself, take an interest in your own welfare, do a little thinking for yourself during the week, and then go to the meeting and air your views. Listen, to the other fellow’s views, and compare notes, and you will find that there is no place on earth that affords a better opportunity to devise ways and means whereby you can make this old world a better sand brighter place to live in, than at your union meetings. —The Shingle Wearer.

Unionism stands for victory. United we stand, divided we fall, says an exchange. Unionism and unity have won many a victory, gained many good valued concession and made many souls happy. Unity, Fraternity and Co-operation have wrought wonders, and thousands, yea millions of people have rejoiced as a result of united action which brought victory, even though the shedding of blood. This nation, this union of states was only gained through Unionism, Fraternity and Co-operation. —Paters’ Herald


The present wage rate to union labor is the result of a long struggle, extending for a period of almost one hundred years. In its early history the strikers were spontaneous and spasmodic; there were tips and downs. What was gained one season was lost the next, the wage rate was not permanent. During the dull seasons the prices paid for skilled labor reached a low ebb. and unskilled labor received barely enough to purchase the coarsest kind of food.

If the labor unions did nothing else than call attention to the misery that abounds, their existence would be justifiable; but they have done more, they have not only called attention to the effects, they have shown the causes. They have done more still; they have produced remedies, upon the merits and demerits of which professors, editors and ministers now discuss and advocate. Labor unions have produced thinkers and educators from out their own ranks, and have drawn students and teachers from the wealthy and professional. And more yet; while doing this they have bettered the condition or thousands of families by securing higher wages, shorter hours and greater independence, individually and collectively. The result, if something to be proud of. —Blacksmiths’ Journal.

“Right or wrong—that is the real issue. They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity and the other is the ‘divine right of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirt that says: ‘You work and toil and earn bread and I will eat it.’ I ask you if it is not a false philosophy. Is it not a false statesmanship that undertakes to build up a system of policy upon the basis of caring nothing about the very thing that everybody does care most about?”—Lincoln.


Finish every day and be done with it. You have done what you could. Some blunders and absurdities, no doubt, crept in; forget them as soon as you can. —Emerson.

DID YOU EVER STOP TO THINK That the grouch is a curse? That a smile is worth a hundred frowns? That you are going to be dead a long time? That you will only go through life once? That charity begins at home, but shouldn’t stay there? That love is the axle grease of the earth? That the “good fellow” is always broke? That experience is a costly school, but you never forget its lessons? That the knocker is the enemy of himself and everybody else? That politeness costs you nothing and gets you a great deal? That a kind word is like a ray of sunshine? That life is a joke, and it’s on you? —Labor Leader.

“Work, work,” they shout. “Give us work”; never was a people possessed with a dogma so disastrous. This furious, all-pervading passion for work is pushed even to the exhaustion of the vital force of the individual and his progeny. And it is this same passion for work which drags in its train all the individual and social woes which for two centuries have tortured sad humanity. Not being satisfied with imposing this degrading occupation upon themselves, the men must needs drag their wives and daughters with them until today we have factory girls and women pale drooping flowers, with disordered stomachs and languid limbs; who have never known the pleasure of a healthy life in all their weariness. —Baltimore Labor Leader.

All of the progress, all of the benefits that have been conferred upon humanity through movements in their interests during the past hundred years are properly credited to the labor unions. Any church or clergyman who denies that credit is not granting recognition of a self-evident fact,” says the Rev. Stritch, of Detroit. “We now have philosophers like myself, who are lending their efforts to solve these questions,’ but the labor movement has created the philosophers. It has given them opportunity to study and observe the effects of organization, and we philosophers must accord to labor that credit.

Working Women as Inventors.

Up to ten years ago, a search of the patent office reports would have attested to the customary claim of the male doer of things that woman was backward where great originality was required. But behold what a decade has done! Not a page of the official report of patents but that some woman’s success is recorded. And not alone this; for each year there is to be found an increasing number of successful women inventors whose inventions are not patented in their own names, but bought outright by manufacturers and business firms who themselves secure the patent. Inquiry at manufacturing plants and mercantile houses reveals the fact that women employees are constantly suggesting improvements in the machinery and methods employed by the firms. A woman clerk in a New York store invented sometime ago a parcel delivery system which netted her substantial returns. And one New England mill owner, herself an inventor, enjoys the right to several patents that represent the ingenuity of the women operators for her employment, one 0/ the devices bringing in over $20- $600 a year. Those ‘acquainted with the field lay that fully three hundred of the patents taken out by women within the last ten years arc yielding unusually large returns to the inventors, and that others not yet out on the market are destined to be equally successful. When a device can command within a few minutes after being patented, $20,000, the originator of the idea is quite beyond masculine criticism; and such was the other to the woman inventor of the satchel bottomed paper bag. A simple glove buttoner is yielding the woman who thought “out the scheme $5,000 a year. A patented adjustable waist supporter has made the inventor independent. The gradual increase of the number of women factory workers is evidenced in the factory appliances which come improved from their bands. Again, the far Northwest runs to household novelties, like butter workers, brushes for cleaning upholstery and compositions for kindling fires. To enumerate the inventions which have come from women in the last five years is to include a lock with 3,000 combinations, a letter box for the outside of houses which shows a signal when there is a letter inside for the postman to collect, an improved canteen, an apparatus for removing wool from skin by electricity, a speedy and profitable process for making horseshoes, a new aluminum holder, improvements in harnesses and vehicles, and a buttonhole cutting machine by which the distance between buttonholes is measured automatically. Nothing could be more divergent than the subjects which have engaged women inventors during any two consecutive months of last year. A woman pupil at a New York school of embalming invented a burial apparatus that has been approved by popular undertakers. And then the list runs through alarm clocks, a fire escape device, a brake for vehicles, a fruit press, a carpet stretcher, a system of ventilating buildings, a barrel tapping and emptying device, a hammer guard for firearms, a bottle filling apparatus, and an invalid chair. Undoubtedly the opportunities for higher education enjoyed today by women are responsible for their great activity in this new field. Again, the four million women workers in this country are more than industrious; they are bringing great skill and fine training to bear on their work. Woman has become dissatisfied with the few learned professions. She wishes to attest her practical nature; and the fact that she is doing inventive work of a high order demonstrates her efficiency as a practical worker.


Just one year ago the Brooklyn Central Labor Union held a Union Label Fair—the first thorough exposition in this country of all sorts and grades of label goods. The interest excited by the efforts of the committee from the central body had a far-reaching effect, making certain that the fair would be a fixed annual feature of the work of preaching the gospel of solidarity among those who work for wages. Previous to this time perhaps the best known labels were those of the hatters, printers and cigarmakers, and an astonishingly large number of members of unions were unfamiliar with even the now well-known insignia of the garment workers and the shoe workers. Many other labels came to light at the fair to make good the assertion that no union man or woman need eat or be clothed with the product of those workers who by failing to see the light of progress allow themselves to be exploited. The Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butchers’ Workmen have a label and an intelligent organization, the Flour -and Cereal Workers and Bakers stamp their symbol in wheat that has passed through union hands and there is no article of wearing apparel or furniture, the piano not excepted, that is not made by union workers.

Controversies with other National Organizations

Since I had the opportunity to visit towns outside of New York in the interest of our International Union, it came to my notice that many of our craftsmen, who properly belong to us, were admitted, either as individual members or as local unions in other national organizations. In the City of St. Louis, Mo., the Journeymen Tailors’ International Union, initiated about seventy-five ladies’ tailors in one of their affiliated locals, No. 11 of St. Louis, in spite of the protest of Bro. David Kreyling, organizer of the A. F. of L., for St. Louis. I investigated this matter personally and found the contention to be correct. I immediately communicated with Bro. John B. Lennon, the general secretary of the J. T. U., and in reply he stated that they are going to keep the ladies’ tailors in their organizations, because fifty years ago ladies tailoring was done by their members. Mr. Lennon also did not deny that ladies tailors in Buffalo, N. Y.; Pittsburg. Pa.; San Francisco, Cal., and some other cities are members of their organization, and that they intend to hold them as such. The same applies to the U. G. W. This organization issued a charter to the ladies’ tailors in Bridgeport, Conn. Another charter was granted by them to a union of raincoat workers in Philadelphia, where 90 percent of the workers in this craft are engaged in the making of ladies’ raincoats only. Should we be in a position to have our organizers on the road all these workers would now be members of our international union.

Poetry, Fiction and Fun


(By Charles Hanson Towne).

How punctually God’s poor arise to serve Mammon and Greed! O, day by day they take their tragic fate into their heart again, and like dumb sheep resume the well worn paths that lead to toil. Early the march begin! Early the solemn phalanx fills the streets— The giant city’s very blood and life Look in their eyes—young eyes now old with pain; Look in their faces lined so soon with care; Look at their hands, already parchment, bruised On rough machines that torture: while dry give Life’s breath—nay. but the shadow of Life’s breath! For this they take their way; for this they spend The cool, clean hours of morning, and the sweet, reluctant hours of honeyed afternoon: That in the evening they may fare again back to dim, homes, through crowds of brothers, lost In the same awful vortex; stealing there A broken rest, a brief oblivion To give them strength to put their armor on For other days they know will be ‘he same! For this they strive: that they may keep the mouths of pallid children fed with food enough to grow to paler mart—and womanhood, and then to follow in the path they knew— The piteous, narrow, sorrow-strike,” way— Yet wide enough to lead an army on. Morn after morn, day after desolate day.

Manufacturers using our label on shirt-waists: H. Frank. 33 W: 17th St. A. Friedman 81-95 University PI., New York City.

There is no excuse for you wearing a Non-Union Waist. Sig. Klein of 50 Third Ave N. Y. City, sells Union Label Waists.

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